Scottish House Condition Survey: 2022 Key Findings

Figures from the 2022 survey, including updated fuel poverty rates, energy efficiency ratings, the condition of housing and the Scottish Housing Quality Standard.

This document is part of 2 collections


Fuel Poverty

Key Points

  • Scottish House Condition Survey results for 2022 have been assessed to be comparable in the most part to 2019 and earlier years. Therefore the figures presented in this report represent the first set of accredited official statistics which meet the full definition of fuel poverty as set out in the Fuel Poverty (Targets, Definition and Strategy)(Scotland) Act 2019 and The Fuel Poverty (Enhanced Heating) (Scotland) Regulations 2020.
  • Scottish House Condition Survey results for 2022 have been assessed to be comparable in the most part to 2019 and earlier years. However, as noted in section 1.1.5 of the Methodological and Technical notes there is evidence to suggest that social and private rented households, who have higher rates of fuel poverty, may be under-represented in the 2022 achieved sample and owner-occupied households, who have lower rates of fuel poverty, may be over-represented. Due to this, national level estimates of fuel poverty may be slightly under-estimated, however we expect any effects to be minor, especially in the context of other key drivers of fuel poverty such as fuel prices.
  • In 2022, 791,000 households (31% of all households) were estimated to be in fuel poverty, of which 472,000 (18.5% of all households) were in extreme fuel poverty. This is higher than the 2019 estimates of 24.6% (613,000 households) and 12.4% (311,000 households) respectively.
  • The actual median fuel poverty gap for fuel poor households in 2022 was £1,240. This is 65% higher than the median fuel poverty gap from 2019 of £750.
  • The median fuel poverty gap (adjusted for 2015 prices) for fuel poor households was £1,020. This 46% is higher than the adjusted gap in 2019 of £700.
  • Overall rates of fuel poverty differed between the social (48%) and private sector (26%). Similarly households in the social sector were more likely to be in extreme fuel poverty (26%) compared to households in the private sector (16%). 
  • However, looking at tenure in a more disaggregated way shows that rates of fuel poverty in the housing association (47%), local authority (48%) and private rented sectors (44%) are similar. In comparison owner occupiers have lower rates with 14% of those with a mortgage and 28% of those who own outright assessed to be fuel poor. This is a similar trend to 2019.
  • 46% of households using electricity as their primary heating fuel were fuel poor, higher than for households using gas (29%), and oil (28%). But similar to households using other fuel types (41%) as their primary heating fuel.
  • A higher proportion of households with a pre-payment meter (PPM; electricity, gas or both) were in fuel poverty compared to those without a PPM; 47% compared to 28% respectively.
  • Fuel poverty and extreme fuel poverty have a strong association with income, with rates increasing as annual household income decreases. For example 89% of households with an annual income less than £15,000 were in fuel poverty compared to 43% of households earning between £15,000 and £24,999 annually.
  • For both fuel poor and extreme fuel poor households, the lowest rates of fuel poverty are associated with higher energy efficiency standards. 27% of households living in dwellings rated EPC band C or better were fuel poor, compared to 41% living in dwellings in bands F or G.
  • Although low income is associated with fuel poverty, it is not equivalent. 67% of fuel poor households were also income poor in 2022 whilst the other 33% would not be considered income poor.

 

3.1 Definition and Measurement of Fuel Poverty

Under the Housing (Scotland) Act 2001 (section 88), the Scottish Government was committed to eradicating fuel poverty as far as practicably possible by November 2016. In June 2016, the Minister for Local Government and Housing informed Parliament that, based on the advice received from experts, it was unlikely that the statutory fuel poverty target would be met. This was confirmed by 2016 and 2017 fuel poverty rates, under the old definition of fuel poverty, of 26.5% and 24.9% respectively.

The Fuel Poverty (Targets, Definition and Strategy)(Scotland) Bill was introduced to the Scottish Parliament on 26 June 2018 and the Fuel Poverty (Targets, Definition and Strategy)(Scotland) Act 2019 received Royal Assent on 18th July 2019. This includes a new definition of fuel poverty based on advice from an independent panel of experts and further scrutiny and amendment by the Scottish Parliament.

This was followed by The Fuel Poverty (Enhanced Heating) (Scotland) Regulations 2020 which received royal assent in February 2020 and defined the heating regimes to be used in the measurement of fuel poverty.

As set out in section 3 of the Fuel Poverty (Targets, Definition and Strategy) (Scotland) Act, a household is in fuel poverty if, in order to maintain a satisfactory heating regime, total fuel costs necessary for the home are more than 10% of the household’s adjusted net income (after housing costs), and if after deducting fuel costs, benefits received for a care need or disability and childcare costs, the household’s remaining adjusted net income is insufficient to maintain an acceptable standard of living. The remaining adjusted net income must be at least 90% of the UK Minimum Income Standard (MIS) to be considered an acceptable standard of living, with an additional amount added for households in remote rural, remote small town and island (RRRSTI) areas.

Extreme fuel poverty follows the same definition except that a household would have to spend more than 20% of its adjusted net income (after housing costs) on total fuel costs to maintain a satisfactory heating regime.

It is important to note that households in extreme fuel poverty are also considered to be in fuel poverty and consequently represent a subset of the total number of fuel poor households.

Where a household is in fuel poverty, the fuel poverty gap is the annual amount that would be required to move the household out of fuel poverty. This is either:

  • the amount required so that the fuel costs necessary for the home are no longer more than 10% of the household’s adjusted net income (after housing costs), or
  • the amount required which, after deducting fuel costs, benefits received for a care need or disability[1] and childcare costs, means the household’s remaining adjusted net income is sufficient to maintain an acceptable standard of living.

The figure taken to determine the gap for each household is the lower of the two options.

The Fuel Poverty (Targets, Definition and Strategy) (Scotland) Act 2019 also set targets to eradicate fuel poverty. The 2040 targets are that:

  • no more than 5% of households in Scotland would be in fuel poverty
  • no more than 1% of households in Scotland would be in extreme fuel poverty
  • the median fuel poverty gap of households in Scotland in fuel poverty would be no more than £250 at 2015 prices (adjusted to take account of changes in the value of money).

The Fuel Poverty (Enhanced Heating) (Scotland) Regulations 2020 and Fuel Poverty (Additional Amount in respect of Remote Rural Area, Remote Small Town and Island Area) (Scotland) Regulations 2020 came into force on the 26th February 2020. These regulations set out the types of households to which the enhanced heating regimes are appropriate and specify a person who is to determine the uplifts to the UK MIS for households living in Remote Rural Area, Remote Small Town and Island (RRRSTI) areas. The estimates in this report are the first set of official statistics[2] for fuel poverty estimates fully compatible with all of the elements of the new definition in the Fuel Poverty (Targets, Definition and Strategy) (Scotland) Act 2019 including the regulations above.

The estimates in this report include an uplift to the UK MIS for households living in RRRSTI areas, as determined by the Centre for Research in Social Policy, Loughborough University. The uplifts range from 14% to 33% depending on household type and location. A full breakdown of the uplifts is shown in Table 3.1.

Table 3.1 Uplifts to MIS value for RRRSTI areas by household type

Household Type

Uplift if on mainland (%)

Uplift if on Island (%)

Base MIS value applied (£)

Couple with children

15%

14%

£21,380 - £44,000

Single working age

27%

31%

£11,950

Couple working age

28%

33%

£20,100

Single pensioner

26%

26%

£10,240

Couple Pensioner

19%

24%

£16,150

The UK MIS values used in this report are based on the full 107 MIS household budgets for detailed family types provided by Loughborough University[3] [4]. Under this approach each household receives a MIS value based on the characteristics of the household including the age of the adults and children, and if adults in the household are in a relationship.

For statistics in this publication heating regimes are set based on the Fuel Poverty (Enhanced Heating) (Scotland) Regulations 2020, which specifies the households for which enhanced heating temperatures and/or hours are appropriate.

Enhanced heating temperatures are 23°C in the living room and 20°C in other rooms.

Standard heating temperatures are 21°C in the living room and 18°C in other rooms.

Enhanced heating hours are 16 hours a day during the week and at the weekend.

Standard heating hours are 9 hours a day during the week and 16 hours a day during the weekend.

A satisfactory heating regime is defined as follows.

Enhanced heating temperatures and enhanced heating hours (enhanced heating regime 1) are appropriate for households where the dwelling is frequently occupied during the morning or afternoon or both on weekdays by any member of the household when it is cold and any member of the household meets one or more of the following criteria: is aged 75 or over; has a long-term sickness or disability; or is in receipt of benefits received for a care need or disability.

Enhanced heating temperatures and standard heating hours (enhanced heating regime 2) are appropriate for households where the dwelling is not frequently occupied during the morning or afternoon or both on weekdays by any member of the household when it is cold and any member of the household meets one or more of the following criteria: is aged 75 or over; has a long-term sickness or disability; or is in receipt of benefits received for a care need or disability.

Standard heating temperatures and enhanced heating hours (enhanced heating regime 3) are appropriate for households where the dwelling is frequently occupied during the morning or afternoon or both on weekdays by any member of the household when it is cold and any member of a household has a child aged 5 years old or under and the household is not a household for which enhanced heating regimes 1 or 2 are appropriate.

For all other households, standard heating temperatures and standard heating hours (the standard heating regime) apply.

Although space heating is the largest component of the energy spend which underpins the fuel poverty estimate, there are other types of energy use that are also taken into account, such as water heating, lighting and appliance use, and cooking.  All types of energy expenditure are estimated on the basis of a standard set of behavioural assumptions and do not reflect the actual energy use of the household, which may vary considerably depending on personal preference and priorities relative to other types of household expenditure.

The majority of modelled energy use if for space heating.

Figure 3.1: Mean Modelled Household Energy Consumption by End Us

Figure 3.1 shows that, on average, around 74% of the modelled household energy demand was from space heating, 12% from water heating, 11% from lighting and appliance usage, and 3% was accounted for by cooking.

Data Source: Table FP1 in ‘SHCS 2022- Chapter 03 Fuel Poverty- tables and figures’

The energy costs of maintaining a satisfactory heating regime and other uses of energy are modelled using data from the physical inspection of dwellings and the household interview conducted as part of the SHCS, as well as information on consumer fuel prices.

The methodology for modelling the cost of energy use was updated for the 2014 Key Findings report and details were provided in the accompanying 2014 Methodology Notes.

The current report continues to use this improved method for setting the cost of the domestic energy requirement.  A further small improvement introduced in the 2016 survey about pre-payment meters for energy supply is also continued, which has allowed us to improve the accuracy of fuel price information for pre-payment meter users, who are more common among lower income groups which are at higher risk of fuel poverty. In the 2022 SHCS, 14% of households had a pre-payment meter (mains gas, electricity, or both).

In 2019, two further small improvements were introduced. Firstly, more detailed information on combi boilers have been included to improve the accuracy of calculations surrounding hot water losses.

Secondly, a household’s lights and appliances are now assigned as using an off-peak tariff if an off-peak meter is present, even if there is no form of electric heating in the dwelling. Previously, where a household did not have a form of electric heating, the lights and appliances were assumed to use standard electricity. This change does not affect the energy consumption of a dwelling, only the fuel prices applied to the energy associated with lighting and appliance use. Figure 3.1 shows that, on average, around 11% of the modelled household energy demand was from lighting and appliance usage.

The cost of the energy requirement includes an allowance for the bill rebate provided under the Warm Home Discount (WHD) scheme[5]. It no longer includes the £12 contribution of the Government Electricity Rebate (GER) as the scheme only ran for two years (2014 and 2015).

From 2021 onwards, the BRE Domestic Energy Model (BREDEM) used to model fuel poverty energy consumption and annual running costs used postcode district-level external weather data, whereas previously this was based on regional data. This means that colder more exposed households may require more energy to keep their homes warm, while households in more sheltered or warmer locations may need less. For further details see the Methodological and Technical notes.

Additionally, from 2021 methodological changes were implemented to allow fuel poverty estimates to fully met the definition of fuel poverty as laid out in the Fuel Poverty (Targets, Definition and Strategy) (Scotland) Act 2019, The Fuel Poverty (Enhanced Heating) (Scotland) Regulations 2020, and The Fuel Poverty (Additional Amount in respect of Remote Rural Area, Remote Small Town and Island Area) (Scotland) Regulations 2020. This included: Placing households on one of 4 heating regimes as laid out in The Fuel Poverty (Enhanced Heating) (Scotland) Regulations 2020, using the full 107 Minimum Income Standard (MIS) Household budgets produced by Loughborough University, including childcare costs, using the income of all household members, and including imputed housing costs[6].

For 2022, the calculation of fuel poverty also includes an adjustment to household income and energy bills to account for the cost of living payments in 2022. This includes the £650 Cost of Living Payment for households on means tested benefits, the £150 Disability Cost of Living Payment for households in receipt of select disability benefits, the £300 Pensioner Cost of Living Payment for households in receipt of Winter Fuel Payment, and the £199 paid to households as part of the Energy Bill Support Scheme[7] (EBSS). (Section 1.5.2, 1.5.3, and 1.6 of the Technical and Methodological Notes)

 

3.2 Comparison to 2019 fuel poverty levels.

Due to issues with the representativeness of the achieved sample and mode effects, results for the 2021 SHCS are not comparable to previous or current waves of the survey[8]. Therefore in order to draw comparisons to previous years this analysis makes comparisons with 2019 fuel poverty estimates in the 2019 key findings report[9]. (See section 1.5.1 of the methodological note for full details of the changes in fuel poverty methodology from 2021)

 

3.3 Fuel Poverty and Extreme Fuel Poverty

An estimated 31.0% of all households were in fuel poverty, around 791,000 households (see Table 3.2).  Higher than the 24.6% seen in 2019.

Around 472,000 of these households (18.5% of all households) were living in extreme fuel poverty (see Table 3.2). Higher than 311,000 in 2019.

31% of households were in fuel poverty in 2022

Table 3.2: Fuel Poverty and Extreme Fuel Poverty since levels and rates

Fuel Poverty and Extreme Fuel Poverty

2019

2022

Fuel Poverty (%)

24.6%

31.0%

Fuel Poverty (thousands)

613

791

Extreme Fuel Poverty (%)

12.4%

18.5%

Extreme Fuel Poverty (thousands)

 311

472

Sample size (number) 

 2,950

2,931

Notes: [note 7]

Fuel poverty has risen since 2019

Figure 3.2: Estimates of Fuel Poverty and Extreme Fuel poverty since 2012

Bar chart showing that Fuel Poverty and Extreme Fuel Poverty rates from 2012 to 2022, with 2020 and 2021 omitted. The graph shows that fuel poverty is high in 2022 at 31% than it was in 2019 (24.6%).  Fuel poverty has increased between 2019 and 2022 from 24.6% to 31%.

Data Source: Table FP4 in ‘SHCS 2022- Chapter 03 Fuel Poverty- tables and figures’

Notes: [note 7] [note 8]

 

3.4 Fuel Poverty Gap

Where a household is in fuel poverty, the fuel poverty gap is the annual amount that would be required to move the household out of fuel poverty. The fuel poverty gap is presented as the median gap before adjustment and the median gap adjusted to 2015 prices. The median gap before adjustment presents the actual amount that fuel poor households require to move out of fuel poverty. The adjusted median gap figures have been presented in order to assess progress against the 2040 fuel poverty gap target. The adjustment has been made in alignment with the increases or decreases in the annual average consumer prices index (CPI) over the period from 2015 to the year which the figure relates to.

In 2022 the median fuel poverty gap for fuel poor households was £1,240 (Table 3.3). This is 65% higher than the median fuel poverty gap from 2019 of £750

The median fuel poverty gap (adjusted for 2015 prices) for fuel poor households was £1,020. This is 46% higher than the adjusted median fuel poverty gap from 2019 of £700

The median fuel poverty gap in 2022 was £1,240

Table 3.3:  Median Fuel Poverty Gap of Fuel Poor Households, 2022

Fuel Poverty Gap Measurement

2019

2022

Actual Median Fuel Poverty Gap (£)

£750

£1,240

Median Fuel Poverty Gap (adjusted for 2015 prices) (£)

£700

£1,020

Sample size (number) 

742

918

 

3.5 Drivers and Trends

Fuel poverty is affected by levels of household income, the price of fuel required for space and water heating, the energy efficiency of the dwelling, and the required use of fuel by households to maintain satisfactory heating regimes. Fuel poverty is distinct from poverty in that, while low income is an important driver, it is not a prerequisite. As shown in Figure 3.5, fuel poor households are found in all income bands. In 2022 around 14% of all fuel poor households had an after housing costs income above £25,000 annually, which places nearly all of these households in the top half of the income distribution.

Table FP4 in the SHCS 2022- Chapter 03 Fuel Poverty- tables and figures shows indexes constructed to compare trends in three key drivers of fuel poverty since 2012.

In the below sections we describe the changes observed in household income, fuel prices and energy efficiency (through energy consumption). As well as break down the impact that changes in each of these drives has had on the overall fuel poverty rate between 2019 and 2022.

3.5.1 Fuel Costs

DESNZ publish quarterly energy prices data on the price of key fuels which enables us to construct a time series of the price of fuels for the average Scottish household over the longer term. For further information on the data sources which feed into these National Statistics and the quality assurance processes undertaken see the DESNZ domestic energy prices guidance document.

Using information from the SHCS about the fuels used for space and water heating we can weight the published national quarterly fuel price indices, DESNZ QEP 2.13 and produce an average index value for the price of the heating fuel requirement for Scotland. Since the majority of Scottish households heat their properties with gas (81%), the national average index follows the gas index closely.

The weighted index price of fuel grew by 82.7% in 2022

Figure 3.3: Index prices of fuels 2016 to September 2023

Line chart showing Quarterly index price of fuels from Quarter 1 2016 to Quarter 3 of 2023. The price of fuels was much higher in 2022 than in the previous 6 years.

Data Source: DESNZ Domestic energy price indices

As shown in Figure 3.3 in 2017 and 2018 the average index grew by 1.2% and 5.4%, respectively, mostly driven by electricity (up 8.7% in 2018) and liquid fuels (up 25.3% in 2018). In 2019, the fuel price index grew again by 0.7%. The largest increases were in electricity (up 7.3%), solid fuels (3.6%) and other domestic fuels (3.8%). The average index for liquid fuels fell by 2.6% compared to 2018. In 2020 the average index fell by 9.4% driven by falling gas prices (-10%) and liquid fuels (-30.1%) due to the Covid-19 pandemic. In 2021 the fuel pirce index grew by 2.4% due mainly to increases in liquid fuel prices (31.8%) however it remained 7% lower than 2019 levels.

In 2022 the average index grew by 82.7% driven by an increase in all fuel types with gas 90%, and liquid fuels 86.5% showing the largest increases compared to 2021.

DESNZ has published fuel price data up to September 2023. As fuel use changes slowly, we assume that the fuel mix in Scotland in 2023 was the same as captured by the 2022 SHCS in order to extend the weighted average for Scotland into 2023. Into the third quarter of 2023 the weighted average of heating fuels remaines higher than 2022, driven primarily due to the rising price of electricity (up 17.6%) and gas (up 26.1%). This amounts to an approximate 22.3% increase in the composite price on average 2022 levels to September 2023[10]. However, as seen in Figure 3.3 energy prices peaked between Quarter 4 of 2022 and Quarter 2 of 2023 before falling in Quarter 3 of 2023.

3.5.2 Household Income

The SHCS is not designed to capture income as comprehensively as other formal surveys of income and is collected on a self-reported basis. Income was previously collected on the highest income householder and their spouse. However, from 2018 a methodological improvement was implemented to collect total household income, including the income of other adults. Therefore while we are able to provide a time series from 2012 for income, all data prior to 2018 represents the income of the highest income householder and their spouse only. See table FP 4 in SHCS 2022- Chapter 03 Fuel Poverty- tables and figures for a full time series of median household incomes from 2012.

Income is reported in nominal terms and is not equivalised to take into account that households of different size and composition need different levels of income to sustain the same living standard. Figures in this section therefore may not align with official statistics on household income and inequality. As discussed in section 1.1 household income figures for 2022 also include the Cost of Living Payments received by eligible households[11] during the cost of living crisis. In 2022, 50% of households earned £28,300 or more after tax, higher than the £26,200 in 2019 (Table 3.4). This equates to an increase in median income of 8% compared to 2019. The mean income of surveyed households was higher in 2022 (around £34,500) than 2019 (£31,800). This equates to an increase in mean income of 8%. Percentage change in income between years varied across income deciles. Increases in income ranged between 1% in decile 1 to 10% in decile 8. There were no decreases in income for any decile group.

Median household income was £28,300 in 2022

Table 3.4 Annual total household income by decile 2019 and 2022
Income Decile Group 2019 2022 Percentage Change
1 £7,500 £7,600 1%
2 £13,000 £14,000 7%
3 £16,500 £17,500 6%
4 £19,800 £21,100 7%
5 £24,000 £25,500 6%
6 £28,700 £30,900 8%
7 £34,400 £37,500 9%
8 £41,700 £45,900 10%
9 £52,400 £57,300 9%
10 £80,300 £87,600 9%
All £31,800 £34,500 8%
Median £26,200 £28,300 8%
Mean £31,800 £34,500 8%
Sample Size 2,960 2,932  

 3.5.3 Housing Stock

As shown in Table 3.5a and Table 3.5b the mean modelled energy consumption in 2022 was 25,350 Kwh, 11% lower than the modelled consumption of 28,430 Kwh in 2019[12]. This is likley due to improvements in the energy efficiency of the Scottish housing stock. As shown in Figure 2.8 52% of Scottish homes had an EPC rating of C or better in 2022. This is an increase of around 8 percentage points since 2019.

Over the same time period, mean running costs have significantly increased by 53.9% from £1,820 in 2019 to £2,810 in 2022. This reflects the overall increase in domestic fuel prices observed between 2019 and 2022, and demonstrates the importance of fuel prices as a driver of fuel poverty rates.

Mean modelled annual running costs were £2,810 in 2022

Table 3.5a: Mean annual running cost and year on year change

Year

Mean annual running cost

Annual change

Sample size

2012

£1,730

 

2,787

2013

£1,860

8%

2,725

2014

£1,900

2%

2,682

2015

£1,740

-8%

2,754

2016

£1,610

-8%

2,850

2017

£1,660

3%

3,002

2018

£1,710

3%

2,964

2019

£1,820

7%

2,997

2022

£2,810

54%

2,983

Mean modelled annual energy consumption was 25,350 kwh in 2022

Table 3.5b: Mean modelled annual KWh consumption and year on year change

Year

Mean KWh

Annual change

Sample size

2012

29,620

 

2,787

2013

28,960

-2%

2,725

2014

29,200

1%

2,682

2015

29,070

0%

2,754

2016

28,290

-3%

2,850

2017

28,260

0%

3,002

2018

27,790

-2%

2,964

2019

28,430

2%

2,997

2022

25,350

-11%

2,983

Note: Annual consumption from 2012 to 2019 is calculated based on households being placed on one of the two heating regimes as defined in Fuel Poverty (Targets, Definition and Strategy)(Scotland) Act 2019 while estimates from 2022 reflect households being placed on one of the four heating regimes defined in The Fuel Poverty (Enhanced Heating) (Scotland) Regulations 2020.

3.5.4 Impact on fuel poverty

To understand how the changes in the price of domestic fuels and the incomes of the households included in the SHCS sample interact with the performance of the housing stock, we carried out a micro-simulation which sought to isolate the impact of each set of factors on the level of fuel poverty recorded in 2022. The results are illustrated in Figure 3.4

The analysis which underpins these findings uses SHCS data from 2022 and 2019 to model hypothetical rates of fuel poverty under different scenarios, adding one change at a time. This included the following steps as shown in Table 3.6

  • First, 2022 fuel prices were applied to the 2019 survey sample to determine the effect of price change alone under 2019 levels of energy demand and household income.
  • Next, the income of households in this sample was updated by the mean change observed for their decile group between 2019 and 2022. This demonstrated the additional effect of income changes on fuel poverty between 2019 and 2022.

Increases in fuel prices had the largest impact on the change in fuel poverty rate between 2019 and 2022

Table 3.6 Steps in attributing change in fuel poverty rate between 2019 and 2022.

Steps

Fuel Poverty Rate

Step Difference

Fuel Poverty 2019

24.6%

 

- Step 1: Fuel price change

35.6%

11 points

- Step 2: Income change

31.1%

-4.5 points

- Step 3: Attributed to other factors

31%

-0.1 points

Fuel Poverty 2022

31%

 

Notes: [note 7]

  • We then compare the fuel poverty rate modelled at the previous step with the estimate for 2022. The difference is estimated to be the effect of other factors including the energy performance of the housing stock, changes to household MIS budgets, changes to housing costs, and other sampled housing stock changes between 2019 and 2022.

Increases in fuel prices had the largest impact on the change in fuel poverty rate between 2019 and 2022

Figure 3.4 Contributions to Change in Fuel Poverty Rate Between 2019 and 2022.

Bar chart showing contributions to the change in fuel poverty broken down by driver of fuel poverty. The chart indicates that indicate that changes in fuel prices and income would affect the fuel poverty rate differently. Applying fuel price changes increased the fuel poverty rate by 11 percentage points whilst applying income changes decreased the fuel poverty rate by 4.5 percentage points. other factors such as energy efficiency, MId budgets, and housing costs decreased the fuel poverty rate by 0.1 percentage points

Data Source: Table FP3 and Table FP5 in ‘SHCS 2022- Chapter 03 Fuel Poverty- tables and figures’

Notes: [note 7]

The results from the micro-simulation analysis indicate that changes in fuel prices and income would affect the fuel poverty rate differently. Applying fuel price changes increased the fuel poverty rate by 11 percentage points whilst applying income changes decreased the fuel poverty rate by 4.5 percentage points.

The residual change is attributed to other factors such as differences in energy efficiency performance, changes to MIS household budgets, changes to housing costs, changes in the housing stock as described in section 3.5.3 and other underlying changes to the sampled stock distribution. These factors combined to decrease the rate by 0.1 percentage points.

 

3.6 Characteristics of Fuel Poor Households

Fuel poverty is affected by four key drivers: levels of household income, the price of fuel used to meet space and water heating requirements, the energy efficiency of housing, and the use of fuel in households[13]. The following sections present the fuel poverty rate broken down by three of these drivers (income, fuel used, energy efficiency) as well as other key household and dwelling characteristics. Tables fp15 and fp16 in SHCS 2022- Chapter 03 Fuel Poverty- tables and figures show the composition of all fuel poor households broken down key dwelling and household attributes.

3.6.1 Household Characteristics

Figure 3.5 shows fuel poverty rates by a number of household characteristics.

  • Overall rates of fuel poverty differed between the social (48%) and private sector (26%). The highest rates of fuel poverty by tenure continue to be found in the rental sector where 48% of households renting from a local authority and 47% of households renting from a housing association are fuel poor. Similarly, 44% of private rented sector households are fuel poor. In comparison, only 14% of those with a mortgage and 28% of those who own outright are assessed to be fuel poor.
  • Fuel poverty has a strong association with income, and households in the lower income bands have the highest rates of fuel poverty: 89% for the bottom income band (less than £15,000 annually) and 43% for the 2nd bottom band (£15,000 - £24,999 annually) both of which represent an increase from 2019. For comparison, the fuel poverty rate for households earning between £35,000 and £44,999 annually was found to be 5%, which is similar ot the 2019 rate.
  • Fuel poverty rates generally decrease as council tax bands increase from band A (44%) to band F (20%) and bands G to H (21%).
  • Families have a lower rate of fuel poverty (27%) than older households (36%), however the rate between families and other households (29%) and older and other households in similar.

Households earning under £15,000 had the highest rates of fuel poverty (89%)

Figure 3.5: Fuel Poverty Rates by Household Characteristics, 2022

Bar chart showing the percentage of dwellings in Fuel Poverty by household characteristics in 2022.The Fuel Poverty rate is higher for households in the Social rented sector (48%) than the private sector (26%). Fuel poverty shows a strong association with income, and households in the lower income bands have the highest rates of Fuel Poverty: 89% for the bottom income band (less than £15,000 annually) and 43% for the 2nd bottom band (£15,000 - £24,999 annually). For comparison, the Fuel Poverty rate for households earning between £35,000 and £44,999 annually was found to be 5%, which is similar to the 2019 rate.

Data Source: Table FP8 in ‘SHCS 2022- Chapter 03 Fuel Poverty- tables and figures’

Notes: [note 7]

3.6.2 Dwelling Characteristics

Figure 3.6 shows how the level of fuel poverty varies across dwelling characteristics.

  • The lowest rates of fuel poverty are associated with higher energy efficiency standards. 27% of households living in dwellings rated EPC band C or better were fuel poor compared to 41% of households living in dwellings rated EPC band F or G.
  • Detached houses had the lowest rates of fuel poverty, at 24% despite having lower energy efficiency ratings than the national average (Figure 2.10), likely reflecting higher household incomes.
  • The fuel poverty rate for rural (35%) households was higher than the fuel poverty rate for urban (30%) households. Additionally, the rate of fuel poverty for remote rural households (47%) is higher than for all other areas.
  • The rate of fuel poverty among households using electricity as primary heating fuel was 46%, higher than for households using gas (29%), and oil (28%) as their primary heating fuel but similar to households using other heating fuels (41%). This reflects the higher per unit cost of electricity relative to gas and oil. 
  • A higher proportion of households in the 15% most deprived areas were in fuel poverty compared to other areas of Scotland; 42% compared to 29% respectively. An increase compared to 2019 in both categories.
  • A higher proportion of households with a pre-payment meter (PPM; electricity, gas or both) were in fuel poverty compared to those without a PPM; 47% compared to 28% respectively.
  • Households living in dwellings built after 1982 had lower rates of fuel poverty than those in dwellings built between 1945 to 1964, and 1965 to 1982. However, the difference between post 1982 dwellings, and pre-1919, and 1919-1944 dwellings was not significant.
  • Households living in dwellings on the gas grid had a similar fuel poverty rate (31%) than households living in dwellings off the gas grid (30%)

Dwellings in remote rural areas had higher rates of fuel poverty (47%) than other locations.

Figure 3.6: Fuel Poverty Rates by Dwelling Characteristics, 2022          

Bar chart showing the percentage of dwellings in Fuel Poverty by household characteristics in 2022.The Fuel Poverty rate for rural (35%) households was higher to the fuel poverty rate for urban (30%) households. Additionally, the rate of fuel poverty for remote rural households (47%) is higher than for all other areas. The rate of Fuel Poverty among households using electricity as primary heating fuel was 46%, higher than for households using gas (29%), and oil (28%) as their primary heating fuel but similar to households using other heating fuels (41%). This reflects the higher per unit cost of electricity relative to gas, and oil.

Data Source: Table FP9 in ‘SHCS 2022- Chapter 03 Fuel Poverty- tables and figures’

Notes: [note 1] [note 2] [note 7] [note 9] [note 10]

 

3.7 Characteristics of Extreme Fuel Poor Households

3.7.1 Household Characteristics

Figure 3.7 shows extreme fuel poverty rates by a number of household characteristics.

  • Overall rates of extreme fuel poverty were higher in the social sector (26%) than in the private sector (16%).
  • As with fuel poverty overall, extreme fuel poverty has a strong association with income. Households in the lowest income band (<£15,000 annually) have the highest rate of extreme fuel poverty (72%) dropping to 2% for households in the £35,000 - £44,999 annual income band.
  • Similar to income, the highest rates of extreme fuel poverty are seen in the lowest council tax band with band A having an extreme fuel poverty rate of 24%. By comparison households in council tax band F have a rate of 14%.
  • Families have a lower rate of extreme fuel poverty (10%) than both older households (24%) and other households (17%)
  • Households in the social sector have higher rates of extreme fuel poverty (26%) than those in the private sector (16%)

Figure 3.7: Extreme Fuel Poverty Rates by Household Characteristics 2022

Bar chart showing the percentage of dwellings in Extreme Fuel Poverty by household characteristics in 2022.The Extreme Fuel Poverty rate is higher for households in the Social rented sector (26%) than the private sector (16%). Extreme Fuel Poverty shows a strong association with income, and households in the lower income bands have the highest rates of Extreme fuel Poverty: 72% for the bottom income band (less than £15,000 annually) dropping to 2% for households earning between £35,000 and £44,999 annually.

Data Source: Table FP10 in ‘SHCS 2022- Chapter 03 Fuel Poverty- tables and figures’

Notes: [note 4] [note 7]

3.7.2 Dwelling Characteristics

Figure 3.8 shows how the level of extreme fuel poverty varies across dwelling characteristics.

  • Levels of extreme fuel poverty among households using electricity as their primary heating fuel were higher, at 34%, than for households using oil (21%) or gas (16%) as their primary heating fuel but were similar but were similar to households using other fuels (30%).
  • The lowest rates of extreme fuel poverty are associated with higher energy efficiency standards. Only 12% of households living in dwellings rated EPC C or better were in extreme fuel poverty, compared to 23% for dwellings in band D and 32% for dwellings in band E.
  • Levels of extreme fuel poverty were higher in rural areas (25%) compared to urban areas (17%) in 2022. Similar to fuel poverty, rates of extreme fuel poverty were highest for remote rural households (35%) than any other area.
  • Similar to fuel poverty, households living in dwellings built post 1982 had lower rates of extreme fuel poverty than those living in dwellings constructed between 1945-1964 and 1965-82. Again the difference between post 1982 and 1919-1944 was not statistically significant.
  • A higher proportion of households with a pre-payment meter (PPM; electricity, gas or both) were in extreme fuel poverty compared to those without a PPM; 27% compared to 17% respectively.
  • Differences between other characteristics shown in Figure 3.8 such as gas grid, dwelling type, and SIMD are not statistically significant.
  • Dwellings in rural areas have higher rates of extreme fuel poverty (25%) than urban dwellings (17%).

Figure 3.8: Extreme Fuel Poverty by Dwelling Characteristics 2022  

Bar chart showing the percentage of dwellings in Extreme Fuel Poverty by household characteristics in 2022.The Extreme Fuel Poverty rate for rural (25%) households was higher to the fuel poverty rate for urban (17%) households. Additionally, the rate of Extreme Fuel Poverty for remote rural households 357%) is higher than for all other areas. The rate of Extreme Fuel Poverty among households using electricity as primary heating fuel was 34%, higher than for households using gas (16%), and oil (21%) as their primary heating fuel but similar to households using other heating fuels (30%). This reflects the higher per unit cost of electricity relative to gas, and oil.

Data Source: Table FP11 in ‘SHCS 2022- Chapter 03 Fuel Poverty- tables and figures’

Notes: [note 1] [note 2] [note 7] [note 9] [note 10]

​​​​​​​3.8 Fuel Poverty and Income Poverty

Although fuel poverty is correlated with low income, it is not equivalent to income poverty. This section provides an analysis of how fuel and income poverty relate in the household population.

According to the official poverty definition, individuals are considered to be in relative (income) poverty if their equivalised net household income is below 60 per cent of the median income in the same year. Official poverty estimates are calculated using the Department for Work and Pensions’ (DWP) Family Resources Survey (FRS). The latest estimates for Scotland were published on 23 March 2023 and relate to 2019/22.

It is possible to use the SHCS to determine how fuel poverty and income poverty relate. The main caveat to note is that the SHCS is not designed to capture income as comprehensively as other formal surveys of income, e.g. the FRS. Household income is collected in the SHS on a self-reported basis. Therefore, figures in this section may not align with National Statistics on household income and inequality.

A further caveat is that the latest published income poverty estimates relate to 2020/21. Typically, in order to derive a poverty threshold, figure the SHCS uses the relationship between the SHCS and the FRS estimates of the median equivalised household income for the previous year. However, due to issues with the representativeness of the achieved sample, the 2021 SHCS is not comparable to this year's data. Therefore, for this year we adjusted the 2022 SHCS median by the ratio between the 2019 SHCS median and the published 2019/2020 FRS observed in 2019 to obtain a 2022 poverty threshold. For 2022 we estimate this as around £312 per week after housing costs (AHC) for a couple without children.

As Table 3.7a shows, around two thirds of fuel poor households would be considered poor in terms of their income (67% or 530,000) while around one third have incomes above the relative poverty threshold (33% or 261,000 households).

Table 3.7b shows the fuel poverty rate by income poverty status. In 2022 95% of income poor households were fuel poor.

The majority of fuel poor households (67%) are also in income poverty

Table 3.7a: Estimated Number and Proportion of Households by Fuel Poverty and Income Poverty Status, SHCS 2022

Income

Poverty Status

Fuel Poor
 (%)

Fuel Poor (thousands)

Not Fuel Poor
(%)

Not Fuel Poor (thousands)

Income Poor

67%

 530

2%

 26

Not Income Poor

33%

 261

98%

 1,733

All

100%

 791

100%

 1,759

Sample size
(number) 

918

[z]

2013

[z]

Notes: [note 7]

95% of income poor households are also fuel poor

Table 3.7b: Fuel Poverty Rate (%) by Income Poverty Status, SHCS 2022

Income Poverty Status

Fuel Poverty Rate (%)

Sample size
(number)

Income Poor

95%

                          588

Not Income Poor

13%

                       2,343

All

31%

                       2,931

Notes: [note 7]

Figure 3.9 is a Venn diagram which sets out this information graphically. As shown in the diagram the majority of fuel poor households (530,000) are also in income poverty. Conversely, 261,000 households are estimated to be fuel poor only (and not income poor), and 26,000 households are estimated to be income poor but not fuel poor.  

This chart demonstrates that while low income is associated with fuel poverty, it is not equivalent. Around 33% of fuel poor households (261,000 households) would not be considered income poor. Similarly, 5% of income poor households (26,000 households) would not be considered fuel poor.

The majority of income poor households are in fuel poverty

Figure 3.9: Fuel Poor and Income Poor Households, SHCS 2022

Venn diagram showing that in 2022, the majority of fuel poor households (556,000) are also in income poverty, while 261,000 households are estimated to be fuel poor only, and 26,000 households are estimated to be income but not fuel poor.

 

Data Source: Table FP12 in ‘SHCS 2022- Chapter 03 Fuel Poverty- tables and figures’

Notes: [note 7]

Table 3.8 provides further information about the characteristics of the households who fall into the different sub-groups.

Households that are both income poor and fuel poor tend to live in more energy efficient dwellings than other fuel poor households, potentially because of high energy efficiency standards in the social rented sector. They are more likely to use gas for heating, live on the gas grid and live in urban locations compared to other fuel poor households. These characteristics point to low income as a key reason for their experience of fuel poverty.

Conversely, households who are not income poor, but experience fuel poverty have a higher likelihood of living in low energy efficiency properties, using electricity for heating, and living in rural areas compared to fuel poor and income poor households and Scotland overall.

Table 3.8: Household and Dwelling Characteristics by percentage of all households in Poverty and Fuel Poverty, 2022

Dwelling
Characteristics

Category

Fuel Poor

& Not Income Poor
(%)

Fuel Poor & Income Poor
(%)

All
Fuel Poor
(%)

Not Fuel Poor & Income Poor
(%)

All Scotland
(%)

EPC Band

A - C

37%

51%

46%

[c]

53%

EPC Band

D

41%

39%

39%

[c]

35%

EPC Band

E-G

22%

11%

14%

[c]

12%

Household Type

Older households

 

42%

 

42%

 

42%

 

[c]

 

37%

Household Type

Families

15%

19%

17%

[c]

20%

Household Type

Other households

43%

39%

41%

[c]

44%

Location

Urban

 

76%

 

83%

 

81%

 

[c]

 

83%

Location

Rural

24%

17%

19%

[c]

17%

Heating Fuel

Gas

 

68%

 

81%

 

76%

 

[c]

 

82%

Heating Fuel

Oil

6%

4%

5%

[c]

5%

Heating Fuel

Electric

23%

13%

16%

[c]

11%

Heating Fuel

Other

4%

2%

3%

[c]

5%

Gas Grid

Off Gas Grid

 

22%

 

10%

 

14%

 

[c]

 

12%

Gas Grid

On Gas Grid

78%

90%

86%

[c]

88%

All dwellings

Sample size (number) 

 

 354

 

 564

 

 918

 

[c]

 

 2,931

Notes: [note 1] [note 2] [note 7] [note 11]

 

 

[1] This includes amounts received for: Disability Living Allowance (DLA), Personal Independence Payments (PIP), Attendance Allowance (AA) and Severe Disablement Allowance (SDA)

[2] While the 2021 SHCS also produced estimates under this definition they were published as experimental statistics.

[4] MIS budgets are updated annually based on a public consultation where groups are asked to identify goods and services that people need inside and outside the home to meet an acceptable living standard. New research is conducted yearly alternating between households without children and households with children. For a complete description of the MIS methodology see section 1 and 2 of the full report A Minimum Income Standard for the UK in 2022.

[5] Eligible households receive a £150 discount on their electricity bills. Households qualify if they receive the guarantee credit element of pension credit (core group) or they are on a low income and meet their energy supplier’s criteria (broader group).

[6] For a full description of methodological improvements for fuel poverty see Section 1.5.1 of the Technical and Methodological Notes)

[7] Eligibility criteria for the £650 COL payment, £150 Disability COL payment and £300, pensioner COL payment is available at Cost of Living Payment 2022 while details of the EBSS are available at Help with your energy bills.

[9] From 2021 methodological improvements were introduced to the measurement of fuel poverty in the SHCS. Analysis had shown that some methodological improvements such as adding imputed housing costs have worked to increase the fuel poverty rate, while others such as including the incomes of all members in the household have worked to decrease the fuel poverty rate. This has had a broadly neutral effect on the overall national fuel poverty rate. As such while the 2022 rate was calculated using an updated methodology comparisons can be drawn with previous rates, although caution is urged when drawing any conclusions in relation to the overall national fuel poverty rate, due to slight tenure bias in the achieved 2022 sample.

[10] Scottish Government has produced scenario modelling to estimate the rates of fuel poverty under the Ofgem price cap. Our most recent estimates are for January 2024 to March 2024 under the price cap of £1,928 for the typical dual fuel household are available in the updated economic context section of  The Cost of Living (Tenant Protection) (Scotland) Act 2022: report -1 October to 31 December 2023:

[11] In 2022 household income includes the cost of living payments paid to eligible households including: the £650 COL payment for households on means tested benefits, the £300 Pensioner COL payment paid to eligible pensioner households, and the £150 Disability COL paid to households with a member in receipt of disability benefits. For a full list of eligibility criteria see Cost of Living Payment 2022 - GOV.UK

[12] 2019 figures are based on the previous methodology which used two heating regimes as defined in Fuel Poverty (Targets, Definition and Strategy)(Scotland) Act 2019 while estimates from 2022 reflect households being placed on one of the four heating regimes defined in The Fuel Poverty (Enhanced Heating) (Scotland) Regulations 2020. However, analysis shows that when calculated under the previous approach the 2022 figures for mean energy use would be 26,600 kwh. The difference between this and the 2019 values was also statistically significant.

[13] The use of fuel in a household impacts on a household's lived experience of fuel poverty, but does not affect the measurement of fuel poverty which considers the energy required to meet a the households statutory heating regime as set out in section 3.1, not the actual amount of energy used.

 

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